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4 Departments of Nutrition and Epidemiology, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, MA 02115; 5 Department of Nutrition, National University of Colombia Medical School, Bogotá, Colombia; and 6 Department of Community Health, Warren Alpert Medical School of Brown University, Providence, RI 02903
* To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: evillamo{at}hsph.harvard.edu.
| ABSTRACT |
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| Introduction |
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Despite the very high levels of food insecurity in Colombia and its potentially severe consequences, the population groups that are affected by food insecurity have not been characterized. This characterization is fundamental to adequately target new and available interventions, including Bogota's Secretary of Education School Feeding initiative (part of the "Bogota without Hunger" program), and the Food Pantry and Food Security projects from the Administrative Department of Social Welfare.
Also unknown are the actual consequences of food insecurity in this population. In particular, whereas some reports suggest that limited access to food could be related to overweight or obesity in children (10) and adults (11–13) from industrialized nations, it is not certain whether food insecurity could also be related to overweight and obesity in countries undergoing the nutrition transition, including Colombia.
We wanted to determine the correlates and nutritional consequences of food insecurity in low- and middle-income households in Bogotá, Colombia. We investigated the following: 1) which sociodemographic factors were related to household and child food insecurity; 2) whether child food insecurity was related to specific dietary patterns; 3) whether child food insecurity was associated with child nutritional status; and 4) whether household food insecurity was associated with maternal nutritional status.
| Methods |
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Primary schooling coverage in Bogotá was 88% in 2005. The public school system enrolls 57% of all primary school children in the city, the vast majority of whom (89%) belong to low- and middle-socioeconomic strata (14). Our study is therefore generalizable to low- and middle-income families from Bogotá.
Field procedures. During wk 1 of classes, we obtained information on the parents' sociodemographic characteristics, including age, marital status, education level, and the household socioeconomic status using a self-administered questionnaire that was completed and returned by 2466 (81%) households (the families of 2637 children). The questionnaire also included questions on weight and height of the mother (self-reported) and a food security survey (described below). During the following weeks, trained research assistants visited the schools to obtain anthropometric measurements in the children using standardized techniques (15). Height was measured to the nearest 1 mm using wall-mounted portable Seca 202 stadiometers and weight was measured to the nearest 0.1 kg on Tanita HS301 solar-powered electronic scales. Between May and June, we collected information on the children's usual dietary intake with FFQ that trained research dieticians applied to a random sample of 1027 mothers. The 38-item FFQ was developed by the study investigators based on the list of most frequently consumed foods according to the Colombia National Nutrition Survey 2005 (2) and from a questionnaire previously validated for use in a comparable setting from Costa Rica (16). There were 9 frequency response options: 4–5 times per day, 2–3 times per day, once per day, 5–6 times per week, 2–4 times per week, once per week, 1–3 times per month, less than once per month, or never. For each item, a reference portion size was described in natural units (e.g. 1 glass of milk or 1 egg) or standard weight and volume measures for commonly consumed servings in this population. The questionnaire inquired about the mean frequency of intake of standard portion sizes during the previous month. At the same visit when the FFQ was completed, we measured height and weight in a randomly selected subsample of 671 mothers. This group did not differ from mothers who were not measured in terms of age, socioeconomic status, food security level, or self-reported height or weight.
Food security survey.
We measured food security using a modified version of the Spanish-language USDA Household Food Security Survey Module (17) and the Community Childhood Hunger Identification Project (18). These scales draw on the idea that there are distinct levels of food insecurity and an orderly sequence of characteristic conditions and behaviors. This ordering results in response patterns where households that answer a particular question affirmatively tend to answer all less severe questions affirmatively as well and allows for characterization of household food insecurity as a sum of affirmative responses (19). The scales have been successfully adapted and validated for use among subgroups of the United States population (20–22) and internationally (23–25), including Latin American settings that are comparable to our study population (26,27). The resulting instrument included 16 questions referring to the 30 d prior to survey administration (Supplemental Table 1). Response options for all items were: never, sometimes, or often. We calculated Cronbach's
coefficient to assess the internal consistency of the 16 questions. All questions were positively correlated with the scale and the
was 0.91, suggesting acceptable internal consistency of the instrument (28). In addition, the proportion of affirmative responses decreased progressively from a maximum 78.3% for question 1 to a minimum 10.6% for question 16, in support of the ordering by severity.
Data analyses. We excluded 107 households that had missing food security information. Thus, the final sample size was 2359 households corresponding to 2526 children. Although sociodemographic information was not available from households without food security data, their children did not differ significantly in terms of sex, age, or the prevalence of stunting, underweight, or overweight compared with children whose households provided food security information.
We created a food insecurity score by assigning a value of 1 to questions answered as "sometimes" or "often" and a value of 0 to questions answered as "never." Then we added the coded responses to calculate an ordinal score in which 0 corresponded to the most food-secure households and 16 to the households most severely affected by food insecurity.
Households were categorized into 4 groups using cut-off points aligned with the conditions and behaviors that are characteristic of each level of food insecurity as described by Bickel et al. (29) (Supplemental Table 1). Food secure households (0–2 affirmative responses) represent those households showing no or minimal evidence of food insecurity. Food insecure without hunger households (3–7 affirmative responses) are characterized by worrying about running out of food and making adjustments to food quality and variety but not reducing quantities of food intake below normal levels. Food insecure with moderate hunger households (8–12 affirmative responses) represent households with adults who skip or cut the size of their own meals and reduce their food intake below normal levels to provide for their children. Households that were food insecure with severe hunger (13–16 affirmative responses) include those where both adults and children reduce intake as a result of inadequate resources and experience hunger.
We used the 5 questions that specifically referred to the experiences of children to construct a measure of child food insecurity within households. Three or more affirmative responses in the 5 child-specific questions indicated a household with child food insecurity. This cut-off point was selected because it reflects a decrease in the quality and quantity of food directly available to children and identifies a more severe form of food insecurity than those based on the household (4,30).
Sociodemographic variables included the mother's age, education level, parity, and marital status, the father's age and education level, household size (number of people in the household), per capita daily income (the total household income divided by the household size), money spent on food per capita (the total amount of money spent on food divided by the number of people in the household), type of dwelling, home ownership, the household socioeconomic stratum according to the city's classification of the neighborhoods' public services fees, and the number of home assets owned (0–6) from a list that included refrigerator, bicycle, blender, television, stereo, and washing machine.
We conducted principal component analysis to identify dietary patterns, using as input the 38 items in the FFQ. The factors obtained were rotated by an orthogonal transformation to achieve a simpler structure that facilitates interpretability. We considered eigenvalues >1, the Scree test, and interpretability of the factors to determine the number of factors to retain (31). The standardized frequencies of intake for each food group were multiplied by the factor score coefficients and the sum of these products was the score for each derived factor. We identified 4 dietary patterns: traditional/starch (e.g. rice, potato, plantain), animal protein (e.g. beef/pork/veal/lamb, chicken/turkey, milk, cheese), cheaper protein (e.g. cow's tripe/liver/spleen, chicken giblet), and snacking (e.g. candy, ice cream, packed fried snacks, soda, fruit punch). The factor scores produced in the principal component analysis were categorized into quartiles to represent adherence to each pattern.
We assessed child nutritional status by calculating height-for-age, weight-for-age, and weight-for-height Z scores according to the WHO/National Center for Health Statistics reference (32). Stunting, underweight, and wasting were defined as height-for-age Z score < –2, weight-for-age Z score < –2, and weight-for-height Z score < –2, respectively. Child overweight and obesity were defined using the International Obesity Task Force recommendations (33). We calculated BMI as kg/m2 from self-reported maternal weight and height. Maternal nutritional status was classified according to BMI categories as underweight (<18.5), adequate (18.5–24.9), overweight (25–29.9), or obese (
30) (34).
For the analysis of sociodemographic characteristics as correlates of food insecurity, we chose 3 dichotomous outcomes: household food insecurity with hunger (moderate or severe), household food insecurity with severe hunger, and child food insecurity. We estimated the prevalence of the 3 outcomes by categories of sociodemographic predictors and tested the associations by use of the
2 and Cochrane-Armitage tests. We obtained adjusted prevalence ratios and 95% CI for each outcome by fitting binomial regression models with generalized estimating equations (GEE) (35). In these models, each food insecurity endpoint was the outcome and predictors included the variables that were significant correlates in unadjusted analyses at P < 0.10. Only variables that remained significant at P < 0.05 or were considered relevant from the mechanistic viewpoint were retained in the final multivariate models. An exchangeable correlation matrix was used in the GEE models to adjust standard errors for potential correlation of the participants within sampling clusters (36). Adjusted P-values correspond to the Wald test for dichotomous predictors and to a test for trend for ordinal variables.
For the analysis of dietary patterns as predictors of child food insecurity, we tested for differences in the prevalence of child food insecurity by adherence to each of the 4 dietary patterns with the use of Cochrane-Armitage tests.
Finally, we examined whether child or household food insecurity were associated with child or maternal nutritional status, respectively. We estimated prevalence ratios and 95% CI for each anthropometric outcome according to food insecurity exposure categories using GEE with a binomial distribution specification and the log-link. Because socioeconomic and demographic variables are associated with both food insecurity and nutritional status, we adjusted the analyses for the potentially confounding effects of mother's age, maternal education, parity, and number of home assets. The child nutritional status models were additionally adjusted for child's age and sex. In the analysis of child nutritional status, unadjusted and adjusted P-values correspond to the
2 test for proportions and Wald test, respectively. P-values in the analysis of maternal nutritional status were obtained using the test for trend (Cochrane-Armitage). Within-household correlations among children from the same families (n = 325) were accounted for using an exchangeable correlation matrix in the binomial GEE models. By comparing maternal self-reported vs. measured anthropometrics, we found that weight was underreported by a mean 2.1 kg, whereas height was overreported by 0.5 cm. Despite this limitation, the direction of associations between food insecurity and maternal nutritional status were similar in the subset of women with measured weight and height and in the whole population with reported data; hence, we present the results of the latter.
Values in the text are means ± SD. A P-value of 0.05 or less was considered significant. All analyses were conducted using the Statistical Analyses System software (SAS Institute).
The study protocol was approved by the Ethics Committee of the National University of Colombia Medical School and the Human Subjects Committee at the Harvard School of Public Health.
| Results |
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Sociodemographic correlates of household food insecurity. We examined the associations between sociodemographic characteristics and food insecurity with hunger (moderate or severe) or food insecurity with severe hunger (Table 1). In univariate analysis, mothers' age, parity, and single parent status were positively associated with food insecurity with hunger and with severe hunger, as were not living in a house or apartment and lack of home ownership. Mothers' and fathers' education were negatively associated with both outcomes, as were all measures of income and socioeconomic status.
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| Discussion |
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Several of the associations we found between sociodemographic variables and food insecurity are consistent with those reported in other populations. They include the positive associations of household and child food insecurity with maternal age (39), parity (4,13,40,41), and single parent status (41,42); and the negative relations with maternal education (13,39,43–46) and indicators of socioeconomic status (13,24,39,40,43,44,46–48), such as income and home asset ownership. The consistency of our findings with those from several other populations suggests that the instrument we used provides valid indicators of food insecurity in this group.
We examined the relation between child food insecurity and dietary intake and found that children from insecure households had lower intake of animal protein and snack foods compared with children from secure households. Reduced meat consumption among food-insecure children had been found in poor, urban children in Seoul, South Korea (39), in urban households of Campinas, Brazil (24), in Mexican-American households with preschool-aged children (44), and as payday approached among Hispanic 5th graders in California (21). In Bolivia, households with greater food insecurity were similarly found to spend less money on meat (38). No difference in meat consumption was noted in a small population of resettled Liberian refugees in the United States, but this discordance may be due to different cultural preferences for meat (46). The reduction in meat consumption in food-insecure families is consistent with modeling efforts that have shown that the imposition of cost constraints results in lower meat intake (49).
The association of food insecurity with snack consumption has been less consistent than that with animal protein. A study in Latino households with young children in California found lower household inventory of snack foods at greater levels of food insecurity (20) and a study in urban households in Campinas, Brazil also found reduced intake of juice, candy, and soft drinks with increasing food insecurity (24). Food insecurity, however, was not associated with sweets or fast food consumption in adults in Trinidad (43) or with energy density in the United States (50). Inconsistency in the literature may be due to variation in the relative cost of snack foods and the coping strategies adopted in different populations. For instance, in the United States, households facing limited resources consume less expensive and more calorie-dense foods to maintain caloric intake at less cost, increasing their consumption of refined grains, added sugars, or fats (51). By contrast, in Bogotá we found that food-insecure children ate fewer snacks and commercial foods, such as fried snacks/chips, soda, or packed fruit punch. Resource scarcity in the Bogotá population may result in fewer purchases of commercial treats and high-fat foods, which may be relatively more expensive than homemade or traditional snacks. Food-insecure children may have less access to pocket money, which reduces their ability to purchase snacks and candy outside the home.
In this population, traditional food intake was not significantly related to food insecurity, suggesting that traditional foods, such as rice, plantain, and legumes may be more accessible than meats to most households in Bogotá. Mixed findings have been reported for the relationship of traditional foods with food insecurity in other settings. Kaiser et al. (20) found no difference in the inventory of traditional Mexican foods by food security among Latino households with young children in California, whereas Melgar-Quinonez et al. (38) found decreased spending on traditional staples, like roots and tubers, in Bolivia. These results emphasize that differences in food intake by levels of food insecurity will depend on the severity of food insecurity, the relative cost, availability, and desirability of alternative food items, and available coping strategies.
In our study, child food insecurity was a significant predictor of child underweight but not of stunting or overweight. The lack of association between food insecurity and child overweight is consistent with findings from several other populations (4,10,44,48,52,53). Child food insecurity is very severe by definition and likely consists of shortages of even the least-expensive, energy-dense foods that might lead to overweight. Food-insecure children, therefore, may be more likely to have very low total energy intake, which leads to under- rather than overweight. An association of food insecurity with low total energy intake in children has been reported previously (39).
In adults, mild to moderate food insecurity has been associated with overweight and obesity, particularly in women (11–13,40,54). Individuals experiencing these intermediate levels of food insecurity may resort to less expensive, energy-dense foods to maintain caloric intake at less cost, which can increase energy intake and contribute to overweight. However, as in the case of children and in several other adult populations (43,47), we found that severe food insecurity is more likely to be related to underweight rather than obesity. This finding may result from coping strategies by which mothers reduce their own energy intake to meet their children's needs.
Our study has some limitations. The survey was limited to households with school-aged children; this may have resulted in an underestimate of food insecurity, because especially vulnerable groups including households with preschool children and elderly people may have not been adequately represented. It is not possible to ascertain whether the associations between food insecurity, sociodemographic indicators, and nutritional status are causal due to the cross-sectional design of the survey. In addition, we were unable to control the associations between food insecurity, dietary intake, and nutritional status for the potential confounding effects of health status.
In conclusion, food insecurity in low- and middle-income families from Bogotá is highly prevalent and associated with poor living conditions. The high prevalence of food insecurity in this population supports the need for continuing programs aimed at improving food security and nutritional status of school children and their families. Given the inverse association found between child food insecurity and animal protein intake, an increase in the lean animal protein content of food supplementation programs for children should be considered. Severe insecurity in children and insecurity with hunger in adults appears to increase the risk of underweight but not overweight or obesity. Moderate food insecurity is not related to adult overweight in this population. As the nutrition transition moves forward in Colombia, it will be important to monitor the prevalence of food insecurity and the directions of its associations with health and nutritional outcomes over time, including changes in the prevalence of underweight, overweight, and chronic diseases, the prevalence of micronutrient deficiencies, the incidence of infectious morbidities, and school attendance and academic performance in children. Changes in dietary and physical activity patterns in countries undergoing the nutrition transition may alter the experiences of food insecurity, shifting its burden away from under-nutrition to greater levels of overweight and chronic conditions. Longitudinal studies that examine the impact of insecurity on these health and functional outcomes in adults and children are warranted. Further research is also needed on the coping strategies to which food-insecure Colombians resort to adapt the public health responses accordingly.
| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS |
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| FOOTNOTES |
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2 Author disclosures: S. Isanaka, M. Mora-Plazas, S. Lopez-Arana, A. Baylin, and E. Villamor, no conflicts of interest. ![]()
3 Supplemental Table 1 is available with the online posting of this paper at jn.nutrition.org. ![]()
Manuscript received 9 August 2007. Initial review completed 9 September 2007. Revision accepted 24 September 2007.
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