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Division of Epidemiology, School of Public Health, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 55454-1015
3To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: french{at}epi.umn.edu.
| ABSTRACT |
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KEY WORDS: price food choice nutrition intervention eating behavior
The prevalence of obesity and overweight has increased dramatically over the past two decades (1 4 ). The current obesity epidemic is caused by an environment that promotes excessive food intake and discourages physical activity (5 ,6 ). Environmental influences on eating behavior include the changing nature of the food supply, increased reliance on foods away from home, food advertising, marketing and promotion and food pricing (5 ). The role of fats and sugar in the food supply and dietary intake trends is discussed elsewhere (7 ). The present report focuses on food marketing practices and pricing strategies.
| Foods away from home |
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It is well documented that portion sizes for foods purchased at fast food places and restaurants have increased sharply over the past two decades (9 ). Prepackaged foods purchased in grocery and convenience stores are also being marketed in larger sizes (5 ,10 ). For example, in the 1950s, Coca-Cola was marketed in 6.5-oz single-serving bottles. The 12-oz can became the single-serving soft drink size in the 1970s. In 2000 the 20-oz bottle was the typical single-serving size, a 250% increase from the 1950s. Fast food restaurants market supersized sandwiches such as the Big Mac (216 g; 570 kcal); supersized French fries (198 g; 610 kcal) and 42-oz soft drinks (11 ). Candy bars and potato chips that used to be prepackaged in 1-oz servings are now marketed in 2- to 3-oz single-serving packages (10 ). Bagels and muffins that used to be 2 to 3 oz are now typically 4 to 7 oz (10 ).
Larger packages and larger serving sizes may encourage greater consumption at any one meal or eating episode through a variety of physiological or cognitive mechanisms (12 ). People may underestimate their intake as they purchase larger packages or are offered larger servings at restaurants. Experimental research shows that larger packages of familiar brand products encourage the consumption of greater quantities, in part due to perceived lower food cost (12 ). In naturalistic settings, larger packages are frequently priced less per ounce compared with smaller packages, so this perception is in fact correct. For example, the cost per ounce for soft drinks purchased at a convenience store is $0.05 per ounce for a 12-oz serving but only $0.023 per ounce for a 42-oz serving. This research also suggests that people will consume a greater quantity of food or beverage from a "supersize" serving portion compared with a small portion, especially if the price per ounce is less (5 ,12 ).
| Individual food choices |
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| Price reduction intervention studies |
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17% of the machine inventory). Prices on lower fat snacks were reduced relative to the higher fat snacks by 10%, 25% and 50%. The percentage of lower fat snacks sold under each price reduction condition is shown (Fig. 1 ). Price reduction was associated with a significant increase in percentage of lower fat snack sales. When prices were reduced by 10%, 25% and 50%, the percentage of lower fat snack sales increased by 9%, 39% and 93%, respectively. Promotion had a small but significant independent effect on percentage of lower fat snack sales. Overall, snack sales volume also significantly increased in the 25% and 50% price reduction conditions. Average monthly profits per machine did not significantly differ by price reduction condition.
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The price reduction targeting fruits and vegetables was implemented in two secondary school cafeterias. One school was located in a primarily white, middle-income suburban area, whereas the other school was located in an urban area with a mixed ethnic and socioeconomic population. Fresh fruit and baby carrots were targeted for 50% price reductions. Results showed that during the price reduction period, sales of fresh fruit increased four-fold, from 14 items per week to about 63 items per week (Fig. 2 ), and sales of baby carrots increased two-fold, from 37 packets per week to 77 packets per week (Fig. 3 ). Sales returned to baseline levels with the reinstatement of usual prices.
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10% and prices on the lower fat foods were reduced by
25%. Price changes were implemented at the start of the school year and continued through the end of the year. Sales data were collected from the school food service point-of-sale cash register data. Results showed that estimated pooled revenues from the seven foods were within 5% of revenues estimated for usual price conditions. These school-based data suggest that a strategy that implements small price increases on popular high fat foods and modest price reductions on lower fat foods is potentially financially feasible as a long-term strategy to promote healthful food choices. Altering the hierarchy of food prices is a way to influence the economics of food choice. The economic strategy merits further study using a broader range of foods and settings. The success of this or other pricing strategies may be limited to controlled settings such as work site and school cafeterias, in which food choices are somewhat limited and the population is a "captive audience." However, the pricing strategy holds promise as a powerful means to influence food choices. Further work is merited to examine the effects of simultaneous price increases and decreases on food revenues and sales volume.
Price incentives can be an effective intervention strategy to influence individual food purchases. Price reductions had consistent and strong effects on purchasing patterns of targeted foods in work site and school cafeteria settings. These results were generalizable across diverse foods such as prepackaged snacks and fresh fruits and vegetables. Food choices were consistent across adolescent and adult populations and across diverse socioeconomic groups.
These studies have implications for the marketing of low nutrientdense foods as opposed to more healthful foods. Specifically, removing price incentives for "supersize" portions on high fat, high energy foods might be an effective strategy to limit the purchase and consumption of low nutrientdense foods by the consumer. The effect on food choices of price increases and decreases of various magnitudes also merits further study. An important consideration is the effect of pricing strategies on food choices at the individual versus the population level. Pricing effects could be quite different on individual food choices in a cafeteria setting versus at the population consumption level. At the population level, through policy changes, pricing strategies potentially could be used to encourage fruit and vegetable consumption through government price subsidization or to influence food choices among participants in government-sponsored food assistance programs. Clearly, more research is needed to better understand the potential effects of various pricing strategies on individual and population food choices.
| FOOTNOTES |
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2 This research was supported by a grant from the National Institutes of Health R01 HL56577 with supplemental funding from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. ![]()
| LITERATURE CITED |
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