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*
Laboratory of Physiology and Nutrition, Ibn Tofaïl University, Kenitra, Morocco,
National Institute of Nutrition, Tunis, Tunisia,
**
Global Food & Nutrition Inc., Silver Spring, MD and
Johns Hopkins University, School of Hygiene and Public Health, Center of Human Nutrition, Baltimore, MD
2To whom correspondence and reprint requests should be addressed. E-mail address: mokhtarnajat{at}yahoo.com.
| ABSTRACT |
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30
kg/m2, were 12.2% in Morocco and 14.4% in Tunisia.
Obesity is significantly higher among women than among men in both
countries (22.7% vs. 6.7% in Tunisia and 18% vs. 5.7% in Morocco)
and prevalence among women has tripled over the past 20 y. Half of
all women are overweight or obese (BMI > 25) with 50.9% in
Tunisia and 51.3% in Morocco. Overweight increases with age and seems
to take hold in adolescence, particularly among girls. In Tunisia,
9.1% of adolescent girls are at risk for being overweight (BMI/age
85th percentile). Prevalence of overweight and obesity are
greater for women in urban areas and with lower education levels. Obese
women in both countries take in significantly more calories and
macronutrients than normal-weight women. The percentage
contribution to calories from fat, protein and carbohydrates seems to
be within normal limits, whereas fat intake is high (31%) in Tunisia
and carbohydrate intake (6567%) is high in Morocco. These are
alarming trends for public health professionals and policy makers in
countries still grappling with the public health effects of
malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. Health institutions in
these countries have an enormous challenge to change cultural norms
that do not recognize obesity, to prevent significant damage to the
publics health from obesity.
KEY WORDS: Tunisia Morocco obesity women Northern Africa
| INTRODUCTION |
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The culture and dietary patterns of this region are shaped by its
historic and geographic place on the continent. NA, including Morocco,
Tunisia and Algeria, is on the trade route from Europe to
sub-Saharan Africa and populated by Berber, Arab and Saharoui
ethnic groups. NA countries are classified as middle income countries
according to gross domestic product (GDP) and other development indices
(UNDP 1999). However, they still are grappling with the
sequelae of undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies so familiar
in developing countries. This is evident in most national public health
programs and policies, as well as national-level research.
Nutrition studies in NA focus on undernutrition and its effects on
survival, mortality and development of mothers and children
(PAPCHILD 1997, DHS 1987, 1992
). Similar to developing countries, those of NA are
moving along epidemiologic, demographic and nutrition transitions
(Martorell et al. 1998
, Popkin 1994
).
Changes in lifestyle, the increase of food availability and dietary
diversification certainly have protected many groups from nutritional
deficiencies but not from nutrition imbalance (WHO 1990,
Padilla et al. 1995). Accelerated urbanization
and immigration to the city result in new diseases. Western culinary
influences lead to new consumption patterns, which affect dietary
habits and even the rhythm of consumption. These new dietary habits
have created conditions for chronic diseases like obesity and diabetes
to take hold.
Obesity is a growing problem in these countries, especially since
female fatness is viewed as a sign of social status and is a cultural
symbol of beauty, fertility and prosperity. In Morocco results from the
1984 national household consumption and expenditure survey
(Government of Morocco Ministry of Socio-Economic Affairs, 1984/1985
) already showed high levels of overweight and
obesity among women in urban areas [20% of women with body mass index
(BMI) > 28]. More recently, in 1998, the pharmaceutical company
ROCHE funded a national level survey in Morocco on 1500 men and women
15 to 60 y of age. Preliminary results indicate that the
prevalence of obesity among women is 17.8% (ROCHE 1999
). In Tunisia, the National Nutrition Institute completed a
national survey in 1997, revealing female obesity to be a serious
public health problem in that country. The prevalence of overweight and
obesity (BMI
25) increased from 28.3% in 1980 to 51% in 1997.
Obesity has tripled in 17 y. At present, one out of every two
women becomes overweight or obese. There is reason to be concerned
about the level of obesity in NA. Obesity is strongly associated with a
number of chronic diseases, including diabetes mellitus, hypertension
and cardiovascular diseases (CVD), and increases the risks of mortality
from these conditions (Solomon and Manson 1997
). In
Morocco and Tunisia, the prevalence of mortality from CVD (2530%)
and diabetes (10%) is high. It is important for policy makers to have
accurate information not only about obesity at the national level but
also about how obesity varies across different populations and by
socioeconomic and demographic factors. It is critical to understand the
links between nutrition and obesity development in these countries, as
well as related dietary patterns. The objectives of this report are as
follows: 1) to provide estimates of the prevalence of
obesity in NA countries based on data from national surveys;
2) to investigate how specific sociodemographic factors
affect obesity (e.g., age, location of residence, education and dietary
intake) from our own research in Morocco and Tunisia; and 3)
to determine trends of obesity in both countries.
| MATERIALS AND METHODS |
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National-level data.
National-level data are from the 1997 Tunisian National Nutritional
Status survey of 2760 individuals, covering all 22 districts
(Tunisian National Nutrition Institute 1997).
Moroccan national trend data come from 17,203 people participating in a
1998 national survey on income, consumption and expenditure
(Government of Morocco Ministry of Socio-Economic Affairs 1998
).
Anthropometric measures.
Obesity among children under 5 y of age was dertermined by
weight-for-height Z scores (WHZ) of WHZ
>2SD above the WHO/NCHS reference mean weight-for-height
(WHO 1995
). Comparison with the reference population is
based on the assumption that well-nourished young children in all
populations follow similar growth patterns (Martorell and Habicht 1986, Sommerfeld and Steward 1994). Body mass index (BMI, in kg/m2), the
most widely accepted indicator, was used to assess obesity among
adolescents and adult men and women (Kuczmarski et al. 1995
, WHO 1995
). The risk of overweight among
adolescents is determined at the 85th percentile (Must et al. 1991
). BMI
30 and 25
BMI < 30 indicate
obesity and overweight, respectively (WHO 1995
).
Dietary data.
Dietary and food composition patterns were assessed from dietary recall and record data. Dietary information from 24-h dietary food recall from two successive days was averaged to determine dietary intake of Moroccan women. In Tunisia intake values are an average from 3-d dietary records. Mean daily dietary intake and composition were estimated from food composition tables compiled by the Tunisian Institute of Statistics and a French database completed with 235 Tunisian and 50 Moroccan dishes.
Statistical analysis.
The Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, version 7.5 (SPSS 1998) was used to perform the statistical analyses presented here. Results are expressed as means ± SD. Statistical comparison of means among groups was performed with the Students t test; differences are considered statistically significant at P < 0.05.
| RESULTS |
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Prevalences of overweight and obesity in Morocco and in Tunisia are
presented in Table 1
. Obesity (BMI
30 kg/m2) is 12.2% in
Morocco and 14.4% in Tunisia. In both countries, obesity prevalence is
threefold higher in women than in men (22.7% vs. 6.7% in Tunisia and
18.3% vs. 5.7% in Morocco) and a third of both populations is
overweight.
|
Figure 1
shows chronic energy deficiency (undernutrition) and obesity among
women (age range 15 to 49 y) in NA, compared to sub-Saharan
African and Latin American countries. Obesity is significantly higher
than undernutrition in NA countries. Undernutrition (BMI < 18.5)
is still high in the sub-Saharan countries where famine and food
security are important factors. In Latin American countries,
undernutrition and obesity coexist; obesity is less prevalent than in
NA (9.4% in Peru, 8% in Guatemala, 9.2% in Colombia and 7.6% in
Bolivia).
|
Mean BMI of Moroccan women ranging in age from 15 to 75 y by
location of residence is given in Figure 2
. BMI increases significantly with age but more dramatically so in urban
areas. Maximum value is observed at 55 y of age, after which time
it decreases. Table 2
presents female obesity for 20- to 49-y-old women by location of
residence and educational level in Morocco and Tunisia. Obesity is high
in urban areas and among women with little or no education in both
countries; however, obesity is twice as high in urban compared to rural
women in Tunisia.
|
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Figure 3
shows trends in obesity and overweight in Tunisia and in Morocco.
Prevalence of obesity has been rising in both countries since 1980.
Rates of obesity have increased in women in Tunisia from 8.7% to
22.7% and Morocco from 5% to 18%. In contrast, among men, obesity
rates have remained low. Overweight is on the rise for both sexes in
both countries.
|
Figure 4
examines the prevalence of obesity in children in Tunisia and Morocco.
Obesity measured by WHZ >2 SD appears early, at 5 mo of
age: 6.3% in Tunisia and 14.9% in Morocco. The highest prevalence is
seen among 6- to 11-mo-olds in both countries. After 24 mo of age,
obesity decreases significantly in both countries but more so among
Tunisian children.
|
The risk of overweight (BMI/age
85th percentile) among Tunisian
adolescent boys and girls is shown in Figure 5
. The risk of overweight among adolescent girls increases with age. In
contrast to girls, the risk of obesity in boys decreases with age; the
risk of obesity at 19 y of age is 9.5% in girls compared to 5.1%
in boys (P < 0.05).
|
Table 3
shows daily energy and macronutrient (fat, protein and carbohydrate)
intakes in Moroccan and Tunisian women by BMI class. Moroccan women
consume significantly more calories than their Tunisian counterparts
(P < 0.05). In both countries obese women take in
significantly more energy, protein, carbohydrate and fat than do
normal-weight women (P < 0.05). Dietary patterns
for obese women are similar to those of normal-weight women in
terms of percentage of energy from carbohydrate, protein and fats.
However, Tunisian women eat more fat (30% vs. 22%); Moroccan women
eat more carbohydrate (65 vs. 57%).
|
| DISCUSSION |
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Sociodemographic factors and the development of obesity
Demographic trends show that population is on the rise in NA. In
Morocco it has practically doubled from 15 million in 1970 to almost 30
million in 1999, even though fertility rates have dropped
significantly. The urban population has swelled to almost 55%, which
most certainly affects lifestyles. Urbanization generally is associated
with increased chronic diseases such as obesity (Popkin 1994
). However, Morocco and the other NA countries are still
very preoccupied with the problems of undernutrition. For example, of
children under 5 y of age in Morocco 24% are stunted (DHS 1992) and in Tunisia, 18% (DHS 1988).
Ministries of Health are not yet prepared to direct their limited
resources to develop strategies to prevent obesity. The general public
in NA does not recognize obesity as a risk factor for
life-threatening conditions like cardiovascular disease,
hypertension and diabetes. Yet obesity levels are high in NA, about
threefold higher among women than among men. Female obesity has
worsened over time in Morocco and Tunisia. Comparisons with other Arab
countries with higher GDP (i.e., Gulf countries) and Latin American
nations with similar GDPs (e.g., Peru, Colombia and Guatemala)
(DHS 1997, Martorell et al. 1998
) to
those in NA countries, indicate that there is not a simple relationship
between obesity and national economic level. The more significant
dichotomy is between urban and rural women in Morocco and Tunisia. The
effects of urbanization are more pronounced in Tunisia, which has a
higher prevalence of obesity among women, than in Morocco, which is
less urbanized. In Tunisia the rural areas are more connected to
service and infrastructure than are rural areas in Morocco. Low
education level is another factor that exacerbates the problem of
obesity in both countries. Women without much education do not
recognize the risks and health consequences associated with overweight
and obesity. It is more worrisome that these women (and their male
partners) consider fatness and obesity to be desirable, because these
traits are associated with higher social status, fertility and
prosperity. With 70% of women illiterate or not educated past primary
school in Morocco, the risk of obesity is on the rise. There appears to
be an age effect in the development of obesity in NA, with obesity
taking hold significantly in adulthood. However, adolescent girls
around age 13 begin to be at risk of overweight, which, unchecked,
could easily develop into obesity any time after early adulthood.
Children, on the other hand, seem to be protected from becoming
overweight and obese during childhood, but this is largely because this
age group still is affected mainly by problems and sequelae of
undernutrition.
Dietary factors and obesity
Our results also shed some light on dietary patterns and obesity.
In both Morocco and Tunisia, calorie intake of obese and overweight
women is higher than recommended levels (20002200 kcal) in the United
States (USDHHS 1994
). In both countries, the percentages
of calories coming from protein, fat and carbohydrate seem to be
similar to those promoted in the dietary guidelines of many countries
including the US Dietary Guidelines (USDHHS 1994
). In
Tunisia, however, the fat intake is at the upper limit of
recommendations (i.e., 30% kcal from fat) (OMS 1990
),
leading us to wonder whether fat does not explain the high level of
obesity in Tunisia, as suggested in other studies (Popkin 1998). The Moroccan diet is high in carbohydrates (6570%
kcal from carbohydrate). Our current analysis is investigating the
types and ratios of fats (i.e., saturated:trans, mono:polyunsaturated
fats) and carbohydrates (i.e., simple:complex), to provide a better
understanding of dietary patterns. The authors believe that physical
activity plays a critical role in obesity development in NA. However,
our studies did not include any measure of physical activity. The
sociodemographic analysis also corroborates this hypothesis, because
urban women are more sedentary than are their rural counterparts.
The level of obesity in NA poses a significant public health problem, particularly among women; it is likely to become worse in the future. Urbanization and demographic trends in these countries continue to change lifestyles and consumption patterns, yet obesity still is viewed as a sign of high social status, fertility and prosperity. There is an urgent need for health institutions to wake up to the existence of obesity in their countries and the significant health implications that will need to be addressed. This is no small challenge in the presence of such entrenched cultural norms of behavior and beauty. Unfortunately, undernutrition is still a major public health priority. In Morocco and Tunisia for example, food fortification and supplementation programs to combat hidden hunger and micronutrient deficiencies are just taking hold. Scarce public health resources may lead policy makers to abandon one priority for the other, but in fact undernutrition and overweight are two symptoms at either end of the same continuum. Indeed, policy makers and public health institutions would be wise to address nutrition in a holistic manner, with a global strategy and public health campaign. Just as people ignore the signs of undernutrition because they do not see them, they do not recognize overweight or even obesity because these traits are prized culturally. Even the clothing style makes it difficult to see a womans shape. For this reason, we propose the term Hidden Fatness or Hidden Obesity to describe this complex phenomenon in our countries. It is hard for us, as nutrition professionals, to accept that society, families and even women themselves do not see the link between obesity and cardiovascular risk factors. Some of the factors that we know need to be addressed are dietary patterns and intakes, physical activity, lifestyle choices and behavior within the cultural and ethnic context.
| ACKNOWLEDGMENTS |
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| FOOTNOTES |
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