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The Journal of Nutrition Vol. 128 No. 9 September 1998, pp. 1464-1473

Obesity in Latin American Women and Children1,2,3

Reynaldo Martorell4, Laura Kettel Khan*, Morgen L. Hughes, and Laurence M. Grummer-Strawn*

Department of International Health, The Rollins School of Public Health of Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia 30322 and * Division of Nutrition and Physical Activity, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia 30341

    ABSTRACT
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

National surveys conducted since 1982 were used to assess maternal and child obesity in Latin American and Caribbean countries and in U.S. residents of Mexican descent. Obesity in women, a body mass index (BMI) >= 30 kg/m2, was 3% in Haiti, 8-10% in eight Latin American countries and 29% in Mexican Americans. Median BMI for Latin American women were near or above the 50th percentile of the general U.S. population; values exceeded the 75th percentile in the case of Mexican Americans. The prevalence of overweight (>1 SD above mean weight-for-height) in children 1-5 y of age ranged from 6% in Haiti to 24% in Peru among 13 countries. Overweight occurred in 24% of Mexican-American children. Prevalences of overweight in children and of obesity in women were greater in urban areas and in households of higher socioeconomic status. Overweight in children increased with higher maternal education; however, in some countries, obesity in women decreased with higher education. No general pattern of change over time was observed in eight countries in overweight in children. Obesity in women increased in the three countries with such data and in Mexican-American women and children. There was a tendency for greater national incomes to be associated with greater obesity levels in women and with lower levels of stunting in children. Levels of obesity in the region indicate a public health concern, particularly among women, considering that studies have identified mortality and morbidity risks associated with obesity in adults.

KEY WORDS: overweight · obesity · Latin America and Caribbean · Mexican Americans

    INTRODUCTION
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

Undernutrition remains the nutrition problem of greatest concern in developing countries. However, there is increased recognition, particularly in Latin America, that dietary patterns and lifestyles are changing dramatically, and that as a result, chronic and degenerative diseases are becoming important public health concerns (Monteiro et al. 1995, Popkin 1994, Sinha 1995, Walker 1995). These changes are occurring at a time when undernutrition levels, although reduced over the years, still afflict large sectors of the population (Administrative Committee on Coordination/Sub-Committee on Nutrition 1992 and 1997).

Popkin (1994) notes that authors have emphasized the demographic (i.e., from high fertility and high childhood mortality to low fertility and low childhood mortality) and epidemiologic (i.e., shift in causes of mortality from infections to chronic diseases) changes occurring in many developing countries while neglecting what he calls the concurrent "nutrition transition." The latter includes adoption of "Western" diets (i.e., high in saturated fats, sugar and refined foods) and increases in levels of fatness and obesity. In addition to diet, reduced levels of physical activity, increased use of alcohol and tobacco and increased stress, particularly in the rapidly growing cities of developing countries, are among the determinants of obesity and other chronic and degenerative diseases.

Obesity is increasingly recognized as a growing problem in Latin America. Using national survey data from Brazil, researchers have shown that obesity increased between 1974 and 1989 in adults (Monteiro et al. 1995, Sichieri et al. 1994) but not in children (Monteiro et al. 1995). Defining obesity as a body mass index (BMI)5 >= 30 kg/m2, prevalences increased from 2.5 to 4.8% in men and from 6.9 to 11.7% in women (Sichieri et al. 1994). Obesity increased with family income in children (Monteiro et al. 1995) and adults (Monteiro et al. 1995, Sichieri et al. 1994). However, the relationship between adult obesity and income was nonlinear; at low and middle income levels, obesity increased with income but at high levels the pattern was reversed, just as in developed countries (Monteiro et al. 1995). Results from the 1988 National Nutrition Survey of Mexico suggest that obesity in women was as common in Mexico as in the United States in the 1970s (Hernandez et al. 1996). Approximately 17% of Mexican women aged 12-49 y exceeded the 85th percentile, or a BMI of ~27 kg/m2, of the distribution found in women measured in the 1976-80 Second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES). The Ministry of Public Health of Costa Rica reported increases at the national level in the prevalence of obesity (>= 25 BMI) between 1982 and 1996 of 34.6-45.9% (Ministerio de Salud 1997). National surveys in different Caribbean countries found that 7-20% of males and 22-48% of females >15 y of age exceeded 120% of reference weight for height, or a BMI of ~27 kg/m2 (Sinha 1995). In addition, serial data from Barbados showed increases in the prevalence of obesity from 7 to 16% in males and 33 to 38% in females between 1969 and 1981 (Sinha 1995).

Results from studies of selected samples complement those from national surveys. In Costa Rica, 14% of men in a rural area exceeded 130% of reference weight for height (i.e., a BMI of ~30 kg/m2) compared with 21% in an urban area; in women, the corresponding values were 33 and 39% (Campos et al. 1992). In Santiago, Chile, the prevalence of obesity, defined as >120% of reference weight for height, was 20% in men and 30% in women (Atalah 1993). Although socioeconomic status (SES) was unrelated to obesity in men, it was related negatively in women such that levels were ~10% for high SES and 40% for low SES. There was also an interaction with stature; the highest prevalence of obesity was found among low SES women of short stature, nearly 50% (Atalah 1993). In a study of school children from Santiago, the prevalence of obesity, defined as >120% of reference weight for height, was 8.9% and increased as a function of income (Ivanovic et al. 1987). In an urban community from Trinidad, Beckles et al. (1985) found that obesity, defined as a BMI >= 30, was greater in women than in men and greatest among those of African descent. Obesity was present in 8, 7 and 4% in men of African, mixed and Indian ancestry, respectively; in women, the values were 32, 29 and 25%, respectively.

The above results suggest that obesity is a problem in Latin America, particularly in women. However, varying definitions of obesity and different age ranges of the subjects studied make cross-country comparisons difficult. Also, estimates of obesity have been reported for only a few of the many national nutrition surveys that have been carried out in the region. This omission reflects the fact that most surveys have been used to provide information about undernutrition in women and children. The scarcity of information on men and school age children also reflects the focus of most nutrition surveys on women and young children.

It is important for policy makers to have accurate information not only about the level of obesity at the country level, but about how values vary across subgroups of the population as defined on the basis of region, urban/rural residence, levels of education and socioeconomic status. Also useful to policy makers is information about changes in the extent of obesity over time.

The primary objective of this study is to estimate prevalences of obesity in women and children from Latin American countries based on national survey data collected since 1982. Uniform definitions of overweight and obesity are used to facilitate comparison across countries. A second objective is to investigate how obesity varies by area of residence, socioeconomic level and education. A third objective is to estimate trends in obesity.

    METHODS
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

National nutrition surveys from Latin America and the Caribbean collected since 1982 were the focus of study. These surveys typically contain height and weight information for children <5 y of age, sometimes for women of reproductive age (15-49 y) and almost never for men. Most surveys used were collected by the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS/IRD, 1992) program, which has assisted countries since 1984 in conducting national surveys on fertility, family planning, and maternal and child health (Institute for Resource Development/MACRO International 1990). In these surveys, women of childbearing age were interviewed or measured with the use of standard survey instruments; the areas of data collection were family planning knowledge, attitudes and practices; maternal and child health; nutritional status of women and their children; and social and economic background indicators (Institute for Resource Development/MACRO International 1990). DHS surveys are available to investigators through the World Wide Web [http://www.macroint.com/dhs/rsqb;.

We used 16 DHS data sets from 9 Latin American and Caribbean countries, data from 8 other national nutrition and health surveys from 5 Latin American countries, and data from Mexican Americans (i.e., persons of Mexican origin living in the United States) who were included in two national nutrition and health surveys from the United States (Table 1). All 26 data sets included anthropometric data for children but only 14 data sets contained anthropometric data for women (Table 1). Information about Mexican Americans was included for comparison because this population, of Latin American origin, has a diet and a lifestyle characteristic of an industrialized country. Not all national surveys carried out in Latin America since 1982 were accessible to us. However, those included constitute the largest compilation ever assembled to assess the extent of obesity in Latin America and the Caribbean.

 
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Table 1. National nutrition and health surveys included in this study1

The variables of interest in women were height, weight, age, family, socioeconomic status, residence (urban or rural) and education. Only records with complete data for all variables were used. The age range in women was restricted to between 15 and 49 y, the focus of virtually all available national surveys. Pregnant women were excluded. Children 12-60 mo of age were selected for study, but some surveys provided data only for children 12-36 mo. Anthropometric Z-scores were computed for children relative to the WHO/National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) reference population (Dibley et al. 1987) using the Anthropometric Software Package Tutorial Guide and Handbook (Jordan 1990). Records with height-for-age, weight-for-age, or weight-for-height Z-scores > +5 or < -5 were excluded from the analyses. Populations <5000 were designated as "rural" and those above as "urban" in the DHS datasets; similar criteria were applied to non-DHS datasets. Maternal education was coded as low (primary school or less) and high (at least 1 y of secondary schooling). An index of socioeconomic status (SES) was calculated for individual families in each dataset based on amenities (e.g., electricity or water), possessions (e.g., radio, television or bicycle) and characteristics of the home (e.g., type of floor or roof). The calculation was particular to each country and thus, the socioeconomic index is not valid across countries; rather, it reflects relative socioeconomic status within each country. The poverty index in the datasets from the United States was generated by NCHS and is a continuous variable based on income, estimates of living costs appropriate for the area of residence and date of measurement, and family composition. A poverty index (PI) >= 1.0 implies that the family should be able to meet its basic needs; a PI <1 was used as the definition of low SES.

Obesity in children was defined as weight-for-height Z-scores >2 SD as recommended by WHO (1995). In addition, overweight in children was defined as a Z-score value >1 SD above the WHO/NCHS mean weight-for-height. Wasting and stunting were defined as Z-scores <2 SD below the reference mean for weight for height and height, respectively. By definition, ~15.9% of cases in the reference population were overweight and ~2.3% were obese. Obesity in women was defined as a BMI >= 30 kg/m2. Also, estimates were provided using the definition of >= 27.3 kg/m2 to facilitate comparison with the literature and for grades 1, 2 and 3 of obesity as defined by WHO (1990 and 1995) (1 = 25.0-29.9, 2 = 30.0-39.9 and 3 = >= 40 kg/m2).

Sample weights were used in all cases where applicable. The analyses of relationships between relative weight and SES, education and area of residence focused on obesity (>= 30 BMI) in women but on overweight (>1 SD) in children because the prevalence of obesity (>2 SD) in children was low and statistical power consequently poor. Odds ratios for overweight or obesity (0 = No, 1 = Yes) were estimated in multivariate logistic regressions that included area of residence (0 = rural, 1 = urban), SES (0 = low, 1 = medium or high) and education (0 = none or primary, 1 = secondary or higher) as independent variables. In analyses of overweight in children, gender (0 = male, 1 = female) and age in months were included as additional covariates. In analyses of obesity in women, age and age squared were included in the models because these provided a better fit than age alone. Multivariate analyses were restricted to the most recent national survey when countries had more than one survey. Statistical significance was defined as P < 0.05.

Trends for overweight in children were estimated for eight Latin American countries and for Mexican Americans. In two countries, Guatemala and Colombia, children 12-36 mo of age were measured in the first survey and children 12-60 mo of age were measured in the second survey. Restricting the second survey to 12-36 mo provided similar results to those for 12-60 mo, reflecting that overweight prevalences are similar over the 12- to 60-mo range. Unfortunately, trends in obesity in women could be estimated only for three Latin American countries and for Mexican Americans.

Finally, analyses were carried out at the country level to explore whether overweight and obesity varied by the level of child stunting or the gross national product (GNP) per capita in 1992. Information about national incomes was obtained from the State of the World's Children, 1995 (UNICEF 1995).

    RESULTS
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

Obesity among women.  Sample sizes, age and anthropometric characteristics of the women are given in Table 2. Mean ages were very similar across surveys, but body sizes varied markedly. Women from Guatemala, Peru and Bolivia were very short in comparison to women from Haiti and the U.S. Mean BMI were between 23 and 25 kg/m2 for all but Mexican Americans who were the heaviest at 27.1 kg/m2 and Haitian women who were the leanest at 21.2 kg/m2. Similarly, the extent of obesity (>= 30 BMI) was lowest for Haitian (2.6%) and greatest for Mexican-American women (28.7%). The range in the prevalence of obesity was 5-40% when a BMI >= 27.3 kg/m2 was used as the criterion for obesity. Defining obesity as a BMI >= 25 kg/m2, as in the WHO classification, led to large numbers of women being classified as obese, specifically, over one third of Latin American women and more than one half of Mexican-American women.

 
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Table 2. Age and anthropometric characteristics of Latin American and Caribbean women 15-49 y old

Median BMI values at various ages for each sample are plotted in Figure 1 relative to the U.S. distribution published by Frisancho (1990), which is based on data from the first (1971-1973) and second (1976-1980) National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (NHANES). Medians for all countries, with the exception of Haiti, were near or above the 50th percentile of the U.S. distribution. Mexican American women had medians that were closer to the 75th percentile, whereas medians for Haitian women were closer to the 25th percentile.


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Fig 1. Median body mass index of women 15-49 y old relative to the 25th, 50th and 75th percentiles (dashed lines) of the distribution in the first and second National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys (Frisancho 1990). The sample for the United States includes data for Mexican-American children only.

The percentage of obese (BMI >= 30) women is given in Table 3 by area of residence, SES, and educational level. The risk of obesity (BMI >= 30) by category of the social variables is given in Table 4. Results from unadjusted models (see Table 4, footnote 1) indicate that obesity was 1.5-4 times more common in urban areas except in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and the U.S. where obesity rates were similar in urban and rural areas. High SES and obesity covaried in all samples except among Mexican and Mexican-American women where SES bore no relationship to obesity. Better education was associated with greater obesity in Haiti, Guatemala and Peru, some of the poorest countries, but there was no relationship in Bolivia, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Honduras and in Mexican Americans; in Brazil and Mexico, there was more obesity in poorly educated women. Multivariate models attenuated the associations, particularly for education. Controlling for area of residence and SES, there was a tendency for higher prevalences of obesity in poorly educated women except in Haiti and Guatemala where more education was associated with increased obesity. Urban residency and high SES were strongly and independently related to greater levels of obesity in most countries. Only in Mexican Americans were all three social variables unrelated to obesity levels.

 
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Table 3. Percentage of obese [body mass index (BMI) >= 30] women from Latin America and the Caribbean and denominator by area of residence, socioeconomic status (SES) and educational level1

 
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Table 4. Odds ratios for obesity [body mass index >=  30] (BMI); 0 = nonobese, 1 = obese] among women from Latin America and the Caribbean as a function of area of residence, socioeconomic status (SES) and educational level

Overweight and obesity in children.  Sample sizes, age, and anthropometric characteristics are given for children in Table 5. Stunting was pronounced in several countries, whereas wasting was less common. The country with the greatest proportion of stunted children was Guatemala (56%); the highest proportion of wasted children was observed in Haiti (8%). The percentage of overweight children (Z score > 1 for weight-for-height) or obese (Z score > 2) was highest in Mexican Americans and lowest in Honduras and Haiti. The samples with higher rates of obesity than the 2.3% value found in the reference population were the U.S. Mexican Americans (7.4%), Peru (4.7%), the Dominican Republic (4.6%), Brazil (4.1%), Mexico (3.9%) and Paraguay (2.7%).

 
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Table 5. Age and anthropometric characteristics of Latin American children

The percentage of overweight children is given in Table 6 by area of residence, SES, maternal education and gender. As in the case of women, the risk of overweight is given by category of each social variable in Table 7. In general, social variables were not as strongly related to relative body mass in children as they were in women. Urban residency, high SES and greater maternal education were associated with greater risk of overweight in children in most countries.

 
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Table 6. Percentage of overweight (>1 SD) children from Latin America and the Caribbean and denominator by area of residence, socioeconomic status (SES), maternal education and gender1

 
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Table 7. Odds ratios for overweight (>1 SD; 0 = nonoverweight, 1 = overweight) among children from Latin America and the Caribbean as a function of area of residence, socioeconomic status (SES) and maternal education

There was a tendency for obesity to be 10-20% more common in girls than in boys, but this was significant only in the Dominican Republic, Guatemala and Peru (Table 7).

Trends in obesity and overweight.  Repeated surveys for women were available for only four samples. Prevalences of obesity (BMI >= 30) increased in all. In Brazil, values increased from 7.6 to 9.2% between 1989 and 1996; small increases were also observed in Peru between 1992 and 1996, 8.8-9.4%. Greater increases occurred between 1991 and 1996 in the Dominican Republic, 7.3-12.1%. Among Mexican Americans, the increase in obesity from 1982-1984 to 1988-1994 was large, from 19.5 to 28.7%. More information is available from repeated surveys for children. The percentage of overweight is plotted in Figure 2 for countries with data for more than one survey. Overweight increased in Mexican Americans, but the pattern was mixed for Latin American countries; some reported increases and other decreases.


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Fig 2. Trends in overweight (weight-for-height Z-score > 1.00) among children (>12 mo). The sample for the United States includes data for Mexican-American children only.

Relationship with stunting and national incomes.  At the national level, there was a significant relationship between the level of overweight in children and per capita GNP (r = 0.53, P = 0.05, n = 14); however, excluding the data point for Mexican Americans (identified as U.S. in the figures), an outlier in terms of income, reduced the correlation to 0.11 (P = 0.72, n = 13; Fig. 3). The relationship between percentage of children stunted and GNP was negative and significant (r = -0.53, P = 0.05, n = 14), even after excluding Mexican Americans (r = -0.61, P = 0.03, n = 13). The relationship between the percentage of children stunted and the percentage of children overweight was negative but not significant (r = -0.45, P = 0.11, n = 14); excluding Mexican Americans gave similar results (r = -0.29, P = 0.34, n = 13).


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Fig 3. Relationship between overweight (weight-for-height Z-score > 1.00) among young Latin American children and gross national product (GNP) per capita. When the United States (Mexican-American data only) is included in the analysis, r = 0.53, P = 0.05.

Relationships with obesity in women were stronger. Obesity in women was related significantly to GNP (r = 0.95, P < 0.001, n = 10) but not after excluding Mexican Americans (r = 0.51, P = 0.16, n = 9; Fig. 4). The percentage of obesity in women was negatively related to the percentage of children stunted (r -0.66, P = 0.04, n = 10); the correlation coefficient was of similar magnitude but not significant after excluding Mexican Americans (r = -0.55, P = 0.12, n = 9).


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Fig 4. Relationship between obesity (BMI >= 30) among Latin American women of reproductive age (15-49 y) and gross national product (GNP) per capita. When the United States (Mexican-American data only) is excluded from the analysis, r = 0.95, P = 0.0001.

    DISCUSSION
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

Women of reproductive age.  The definition of obesity emphasized in this report, a BMI >= 30 kg/m2, is extreme. Yet we find that with the exception of Haiti, where only 3% of women were obese, the prevalence of obesity was between 8 and 10% in eight other Latin American countries that we studied. Some define obesity as a body mass index >= 27.3 kg/m2 in women and >= 27.8 kg/m2 in men, equivalent to ~120% of desirable weight according to 1983 Metropolitan Life Insurance Company height and weight tables (Kuczmarski et al. 1994, Solomon and Manson 1997). If we use the criterion of obesity in women of a BMI >= 27.3 and exclude Haiti, between 17 and 23% of women were obese in Latin America. Using the WHO criteria, which considers grade 1 of obesity to begin at a BMI of 25 kg/m2, prevalences of obesity (total of grades 1, 2 and 3) in Latin American countries other than Haiti were 34-49%.

There is reason to be concerned about the levels of obesity found in Latin American women. Overwhelming evidence links obesity to a number of diseases, including diabetes mellitus, hypertension, dyslipidemia and ischemic heart disease; additionally, a relationship is found with all-cause mortality (Solomon and Manson 1997). Authors of a review of studies that adjusted for effects of smoking and underlying disease concluded that optimal weights in terms of mortality are well below the commonly used cut-off points of a BMI >= 27.3 kg/m2 for women and >= 27.8 kg/m2 for men (Solomon and Manson 1997). Using American Cancer Society data, analyses show that mortality for both men and women begins to rise among individuals with a BMI of 22-25 kg/m2 (Stevens et al. 1998). Thus, the criteria of a BMI >= 30 and a BMI >= 27.3 identify only the extreme groups at risk.

Mexican-American and African-American women are among the heaviest in the United States (Kuczmarski et al. 1994). We found that nearly 29% of Mexican-American women were obese (BMI >= 30) in the 1988-1994 survey, and that this represented an increase over the prevalence of 20% found in the 1982-1984 survey. Mexican Americans receive special emphasis in U.S. surveys because they are the largest Hispanic minority. Cuban Americans and Puerto Ricans living in the U.S. were also included in the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey of 1982-1984. Obesity was found to be high and similar in all three groups (Pawson et al. 1991). Centralized obesity, usually identified through high waist-to-hip ratios or through measures of greater fat deposition in the trunk vs. the extremities, was greater in Mexican Americans than among non-Hispanic whites (Kaplowitz et al. 1989). Central accumulation of fat has been found to be adversely related to morbidity and mortality outcomes (Solomon and Manson 1994). The Latin American surveys analyzed did not contain measures of relative fat deposition, and this remains an issue for further research.

Trends in obesity were available only for Brazil, Peru and the Dominican Republic. Levels of obesity in women increased in all three countries. Other data from Costa Rica (Ministerio de Salud 1997) and Barbados (Sinha 1995) also indicate increasing levels of obesity among women. Additional surveys are required to examine whether obesity levels are also rising in men and in other countries. The high prevalences found in Mexican Americans, furthest along in the nutrition transition, suggest that a high priority should be assigned to monitoring obesity levels in Latin America.

Children.  Measuring obesity or overweight in children is difficult because body proportions, bone mass, and the ratio of lean-to-fat tissue changes during growth and maturation (Troiano and Flegal 1998). Although BMI correlates well with measures of adiposity, it is not as reliable a measure of fatness in children as it is in adults (Troiano and Flegal 1998). Racial and ethnic variation in these dimensions, for example, body proportions, may also affect the interpretation of weight-for-height indices (Martorell et al. 1987, WHO 1995).

An important question is the degree to which weight for height predicts BMI in adulthood. Most of the studies to date used BMI as the weight-for-height variable in childhood and found that its predictive power was a function of age (Guo et al. 1994, Serdula et al. 1993, Whitaker et al. 1997). In a literature review, Serdula et al. (1993) found that the risk of adult obesity was 2.0-2.6 times greater in obese preschool children than in nonobese preschool children. Among school-age children later examined as adults, the corresponding range in risk ratios was 3.9-6.5.

Whitaker et al. (1997) found that young adult obesity was associated with child obesity (defined as >85 percentile) at 3-5 y of age but not at 1-2 y of age. However, these relationships were considerably stronger in older children. Also, the risk of adult obesity was increased when the mother or father of the obese child was also obese.

Tracking in BMI also occurs in subjects from rural Guatemala (Schroeder and Martorell 1998). Correlations between BMI measured at 12-42 mo of age and later during adolescence (7-14 y) or adulthood (18-26 y) were ~0.3. At ~5 y of age, the correlations between childhood and adolescent or adult BMI were ~0.4-0.5.

The levels of overweight and obesity found in Latin American children are lower than those in the United States today but approach those of the WHO/NCHS reference population, which are more reflective of conditions in the U.S. up to the mid-1970s (Dibley et al. 1987). Despite the availability of serial data for several countries, we could not discern a clear pattern of change in overweight in Latin American children. Finally, we call attention to the need for information from national surveys on school-age children, a group not generally included, in whom overweight and obesity would be a clearer concern than among preschool children.

Obesity and social factors.  In their review of the world literature on the relationship between obesity and SES, Sobol and Stunkard (1989) found that the prevalence of obesity in adults and children increased with rising wealth in developing societies. In developed societies, in contrast, prevalence is lower with greater income, at least among women. Thus, developing countries in transition to greater wealth should be found along a continuum that begins with a positive relationship between obesity and SES in the poorest countries, to no relationship in those with middle incomes, to a negative relationship in those with the greatest wealth. The pattern of relationships between income and obesity described by Monteiro et al. (1995) for different income levels of the Brazilian population fits this expected pattern (see introduction).

Unfortunately, almost all of the surveys we analyzed lacked measures of income. Furthermore, the socioeconomic indices we calculated were specific to the country and relied on relative wealth based on amenities, possessions and home characteristics. Educational attainment of women and area of residence were used as additional social variables. Despite the limitations of our studies, the findings should still be of interest to scholars trying to describe the relationship between SES or income and obesity or overweight. We found that, in general, the patterns of relationships among children were those expected for poor, developing countries. Overweight in children tended to be greater in urban areas, in families of higher SES and in households with higher maternal education. Relationships were much stronger and more complex in women compared with children. Obesity in women was more common in urban areas in the poorest countries and was unrelated to area of residence in the richest two (i.e., Brazil and Mexico) and in Colombia. SES was related positively and significantly to obesity in women in all Latin American and Caribbean countries except Mexico. Controlling for SES and residence, obesity was more common in women with higher education only in Haiti and Guatemala, two very poor countries; in all other countries, there was a tendency for more obesity in women with lower education. On the other hand, no significant relationships were observed between social variables and obesity in Mexican-American women. In the context of the United States, the Mexican-American population is of low socioeconomic status and has one of the highest levels of obesity.

One limitation is that some countries show great variations in wealth by region, and these analyses do not investigate regional differences. Brazil and Mexico are perhaps the best examples of countries with much intracountry variation. Grouping countries as single entities, as we did, probably masks patterns of relationships between social variables and obesity.

We wish to emphasize that obesity in women is less common, but is not rare, in rural areas and in poor households and that there is a strong tendency for obesity to be more common in poorly educated women. Because poor and rural households represent significant proportions of the total population, large numbers of obese women and children are found among them. For example, on average, about a third of obese women in Latin America come from rural areas. The social mapping of obesity should be examined at the country level, including examination by region, when contemplating possible programs and policies. Even the limited information presented here indicates that educational campaigns should be designed to meet the needs of a broad range of income and education levels. In countries such as Brazil and Mexico, obesity can no longer be dismissed as a condition of the elite, but viewed rather as a concern of the disadvantaged.

Relationships with stunting and GNP.  The analyses at country level were limited by low statistical power such that most relationships examined were not significant, particularly after excluding the data for the U.S. In general, the results suggest that greater national incomes are associated with greater obesity levels in women and lower levels of stunting in children. Also, there was a tendency for greater levels of stunting in children to be associated with less obesity in women and in children. These results are consistent with our initial expectation that increased national wealth would be associated with less undernutrition and greater obesity.

The results reviewed have important policy implications. Prevalences of obesity (BMI >= 30) among women were between 8 and 10% in all countries except Haiti. These statistics suggest an already existing public health concern. Although the prevalences of overweight and obesity in children approached or exceeded that in the U.S. reference population (Dibley et al. 1987) in a few countries, most countries had low values. Because uncertainty remains about the significance of overweight in children <5 y of age, it is unclear what level of concern to express about the results reported here.

Tackling the problems of overweight and obesity poses enormous challenges for Latin American countries. First, many of these countries still have high levels of undernutrition and it is imperative that this issue remain a priority. In addition, Latin American countries are not prepared institutionally to deal with problems of diet and chronic disease. Professionals assigned to diet and chronic disease within ministries of public health are rare, even in countries where these problems are large relative to those of undernutrition. Finally, consensus is lacking about how to address diet and health problems in developed countries (Blackburn and Kanders 1994). Achieving behavior change that leads to reduced obesity has proven difficult in the United States and elsewhere; even when success occurs, programmatic lessons must be made applicable to each Latin American country. These are difficult issues that warrant urgent discussion among researchers, public health practitioners and policy makers.

    FOOTNOTES
1   Presented in preliminary form at the XI Congreso de la Sociedad Latinoamericana de Nutrición, November 9-15, 1997, Guatemala City, Guatemala.
2   Supported by the Food and Nutrition Program of the Pan American Health Organization and by the World Bank.
3   The costs of publication of this article were defrayed in part by the payment of page charges. This article must therefore be hereby marked "advertisement" in accordance with 18 USC section 1734 solely to indicate this fact.
4   To whom correspondence should be addressed.
5   Abbreviations used: BMI, body mass index; DHS, Demographic and Health Surveys; GNP, gross national product; NCHS, National Center for Health Statistics; NHANES, National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey; PI, poverty index; SES, socioeconomic status.

Manuscript received 4 February 1998. Initial reviews completed 13 March 1998. Revision accepted 5 June 1998.

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Helpful comments are acknowledged from Wilma Freire and Manuel Peña of PAHO and from Kenneth Resnicow, Richard Levinson and Dirk Schroeder of Emory University.

    LITERATURE CITED
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References

0022-3166/98 $3.00 ©1998 American Society for Nutritional Sciences



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